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Final Act Looms for Labour's Ego Show
Daily Express, 10th January 2005
Some things don't change. Parliament returns after its holiday break
with the world in turmoil. The Prime Minister will today address
MPs about his (belated) response to the Asian tsunami disaster that
has killed hundreds of thousands, including the largest death of
Britons since World War Two. At the same time Palestinians have been
going to the polls for elections that may be pivotal for the Middle
East.
And yet what is Britain's political world talking about? The never-ending
soap opera between messrs Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. The same
applied last September when, with Iraq in an increasingly disastrous
state and the fears of terrorism increasing, the only issue in
town seemed to be the PM's snub to his Chancellor by appointing
Alan Milburn to head the election campaign.
Of course our little local difficulties pale into insignificance
compared to the big global challenges. Still, the question "who
governs Britain?" does matter. It is not a journalistic confection.
It is real.
For the best part of a decade the feud between Labour's two top
politicians seemed an intriguing distraction, but it didn't really
impact on the way we are governed. For the last six months it has
taken on an altogether different character.
The latest outbreak of animosity comes at the end of a week when
Blair and Brown competed with each other to sound more compassionate
about Africa and the developing world, to the extent that they
had to share television air time on Thursday with rival appearances.
The feuding has culminated in an authoritative book by journalist
Robert Peston in which he sets out in lurid detail the extent to
which Brown feels Blair has deceived him. It is a startling story,
one that has yet to be convincingly denied by the Prime Minister
or any of those around him.
If you go back to their original deal in 1994, Blair has promised
Brown that he would stand down not just once but three times. Peston's
book reveals the number of meetings the two men had last year in
which Blair admitted he would never recover from the Iraq war.
How Brown must now regret his advice to his nominal boss not to
pre-announce his resignation, for fear of destabilising the Labour
party. By the summer Blair's friends had persuaded him to go back
on his word and stick around. From that point it was meltdown.
Several ministers told me yesterday how aggrieved they feel that
the two men cannot at least agree a truce. They do not hide the
fact that it is paralysing good government. Michael Howard, the
Conservative leader, put it well when he said: "We have Britain's
two most important politicians squabbling like schoolboys. It is
the politics of the playground. If the government was a company,
with the chairman and chief executive at war with each other, the
shareholders would sack them."
Sure, the two men will respond to the latest bout with ostentatious
declarations of peace. But this will not fool anyone. They might,
just, suspend hostilities for a few months until the general election,
but after that it seems virtually certain that something, or someone,
will have to give. But who?
The answer to that will depend on the size of the Labour victory
(and almost nobody expects anything other than a Labour victory).
A large majority will give Blair the ammunition he needs to offer
Brown the job he couldn't possibly accept, such as the Foreign
Office, whether beefed up or not. A small majority will make Blair
vulnerable to a leadership bid, possibly through the use of a stalking
horse.
It is not easy under Labour's constitution to do that, but Brown
will truly have nothing to lose. Blair repeated yesterday his intention
to serve out as much of another parliamentary term as he can in
what he proclaimed would be an "unremittingly New Labour" third
term. That could leave Brown biting his nails until 2010 - in other
words 16 years since he first agreed to stand aside for Blair.
There are, for sure, certain policy differences between them.
Brown, the man with real roots in the Labour party, is wary of
Blair's intention to increase the role of market forces in public
services like health and education. Brown's priorities are different,
focusing much more on poverty alleviation than Blair. But there
always has been ample scope for compromise between the two. Not
now.
Politics goes hand in hand with animosities, rivalries and feuds.
All governments have had them, Harold Macmillan's, Ted Heath's,
Harold Wilson's, Margaret Thatcher's and famously John Major's.
What makes this one different is that it has gone on for so long.
The drama has one more act to run before its climax.
This article first appeared in the Daily
Express and
may not be reproduced without permission.
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