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Just what is going on in The Ukraine?
Daily Express, 25th November 2004
One of Europe’s biggest countries is in turmoil. Ukraine is
a place that some people might struggle to place on a map, but it
is vital to the future of our continent. In a strange way, the Cold
War that we thought had been settled more than a decade ago is being
fought again.
Over the past 10 years or so Ukraine has displayed the best and
the worst of the many countries struggling to come to terms with
life outside the Communist embrace. Once the second most powerful
republic of the Soviet Union, it was always seen as loyal to Moscow.
I remember in the old days going to Kiev, the capital, many times,
and it was depressing to see a beautiful ancient city dragged down
by bureaucracy and uniformity. Now it is unrecognisable, full of
smart restaurants, bars and cafes. Business is thriving. So far
so good...
Progress has not been so great in other areas. Ukraine, like Russia,
is riddled with corruption. To get anything done, you still have
to pay people off. Companies belong to politicians, and politicians
belong to companies. Journalists who have tried to reveal the truth
have been killed.
The country faces a stark choice. It is either going to stay close
to Russia or it is to try to look westwards, to more open markets,
more open democracy and cleaner politics. This week’s presidential
elections have brought home that choice. In the one corner was
the placeman of the old guard, Viktor Yanukovych, the nominee both
of the outgoing president, Leonid Kuchma, and crucially of the
Russian president, Vladimir Putin. His message was more of the
same, less change, more subservience to Moscow and slower economic
reform.
Ranged against him was Viktor Yushchenko, married to an American,
staunchly in favour of membership of Nato and the European Union,
an advocate of greater press freedom. This is not a pure case of
good versus bad. Yushchenko didn’t get where he has, both
as a banker in the old USSR and then briefly as Ukraine’s
prime minister, without some dubious dealings in his time. There
are still questions he has to answer. But between the two men there
is no comparison.
When the first round of elections took place a few weeks ago,
both emerged neck and neck ahead of the rest. A run-off was declared.
Yushchenko’s people cried foul, but worked from the assumption
that they would win easily next time. However, when the second
vote came on Sunday, they were once again robbed. Unofficial results
declared that night gave Yanukovych a two-point advantage and both
Kuchma and Putin were quick to declare him the victor.
Yushchenko’s people immediately took to the streets. They
have been there ever since, holding rallies and cheering as their
man took to parliament on Monday to declare himself the winner.
The protesters have draped themselves in anything they can find
that is orange, the colour they have chosen to announce a break
with the past. The situation is extremely tense. Soldiers and police
are blocking their path. The fear is strong that someone – perhaps
agents of the government – will provoke violence.
The protesters’ case appears cut and dried. The foreign
observers who were sent to Ukraine to monitor the elections have
confirmed widespread fraud. In some pro-government areas, a turnout
of close to 100 per cent was recorded. Whistle-blowers in towns
in the east of this vast country – the part that is physically
and spiritually closer to Russia – admitted that they had
been ordered to guard stores of half a million fake ballots already
assigned to Yanukovych.
Foreign leaders, from the US, to Britain, to Germany, to the new
President of the European Commission, have denounced the results.
They have warned that the scandal will damage Ukraine’s hopes
of being accepted at some future point into European institutions.
But they are treading carefully – fearful of adding fuel
to the fire.
Much now depends on Putin. By an accident of timing, he will be
in the Dutch capital, The Hague, today (thurs) for a joint Russian-EU
summit. He has alarmed the West over the past year with a series
of actions that appear to be pushing Russia back to the old days – from
the war in Chechnya, to further curbs on the press, to changing
the rules so that regional governors are now appointed rather than
elected. Putin tried hard to prevent the southern state of Georgia
from choosing a pro-American president. He will try even harder
with Ukraine, a country many Russians believe should remain under
its influence. After all, Ukraine was where the original Russian
state began in the 9th century.
And yet Putin is a canny figure. He knows that if he goes to far
he could scare off foreign investors. He is also aware that Russia
has nothing to gain and much to lose from further instability on
its borders.
When I was invited in to see the Russian President for a bizarre
three and a half hour meeting shortly after the terrible terrorist
attack on the school in Beslan in September, he made clear he had
nothing against Ukraine going its own way economically (that meant
the EU). But he made clear he would draw the line at the Nato.
It is not clear what exactly he would do to stop it, but it seems
in nobody’s interests to increase tension in the region.
Ultimately, Ukraine is bound to change. It might not do so at
the pace of other former central and eastern European states like
Poland and Hungary, but even if the reformers lose out this week,
their time will come. The most important task facing political
leaders from East and West over coming days is to ensure that no
blood is spilled. They might not agree on Ukraine’s long
term future but at least that is one task on which they can all
unite.
This article first appeared in the Daily
Express and
may not be reproduced without permission.
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