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John
Kampfner drags politics further into the mire
Monday 13th September 2004
The great and the good denounce journalists for dragging politics into
the mire. If only they knew. The lobby works in perfect harmony with
the various new Labour factions, writes John
Kampfner.
All politics, one female minister reminded me, is personal. In this government,
it is disturbingly so. The animosities that took root in opposition in the early
1990s have grown, even with the responsibilities of power that should have concentrated
the mind. The latest outbreak of hostilities is remarkable for the speed at which
a month of calm was shattered on the very first day of term. The resignation
of Andrew Smith, the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, provided a fresh
sub-plot for the bigger battle. This time the Blair/Brown saga is being fought
through one of the Prime Minister's closest proxies, Alan Milburn, the Blairites'
best hope of stopping Gordon Brown when the time comes
It has become commonplace among the great and the good to denounce journalists
for dragging politics into the mire. If only they knew. In the cesspit that is
Westminster, the lobby and the various factions of new Labour are working in
perfect harmony. Civil servants and those cabinet members of no fixed allegiance
are in despair. They had hoped July had marked a turning point - that, whatever
the rights and the wrongs, the question of Blair's succession had been postponed,
at least until after the general election. They were both right and wrong.
Having survived the many crises over Iraq, the Prime Minister did
consolidate his position on the eve of the summer recess, so much
so that his inner circle began to lobby him to seize the moment,
to "push ahead". The last time they ventured that idea
was in April 2003, just after the toppling of Saddam Hussein's statue
in Baghdad. Give Brown a job he could not possibly accept, such as
Foreign Secretary, and promote more true believers, they urged Blair.
The hubris subsided as Iraq disintegrated.
The Baghdad bounce begat the Barbados bounce. During Blair's long
sojourns in the villas of the rich and famous, the birdie in his
ear apparently persuaded him of the need to strike out ideologically
(whatever that means in this most un-ideological of governments)
and to shuffle the pack. He had already sounded out Milburn about
a return to the top flight. He was told that the former health secretary
genuinely enjoyed being with his family more, and that any comeback
depended on the offer. That is where Ian McCartney's post of party
chair came in. McCartney's supporters - ministers, MPs and union
leaders - gathered on the House of Commons terrace in a show of strength
on the evening of 7 September. The following lunchtime, as Milburn's
resolve appeared to be waning, he was urged by John Reid and Patricia
Hewitt not to buckle.
The latest bout of frenzied briefings began before MPs returned
to Westminster. While Smith had been a recipient of low-level denigration,
the most spectacular target was Jack Straw, whose increasing links
with Brown provided the backdrop for a character assassination in
the Telegraph on 6 September.
What has irked Brown's people more than the personnel question -
for example, there is no love lost between him and Charles Clarke,
the Education Secretary, although they still rub along - is the way
the reshuffle musings were presented. The old dialectic was dusted
off: the radical modernisers (Blair, Reid and Milburn) were going
to "face down" the forces of consolidation and stasis based
in the Treasury. The Chancellor's decision not to exploit Blair's
weaknesses over the past 18 months, bailing him out on the eve of
war, during the tuition fees debate in January and during Blair's
rocky May and June were not, Brown's friends insist, a demonstration
of weakness but of loyalty. "He put his personal ambitions second
to party unity and he is not being repaid in kind," said one.
That Brown could have made his move and did not is incontrovertible.
The talk is once again of a "crunch point" - although,
with perhaps only eight months to go before the election, nobody
can quite pinpoint what that might entail. There are one or two genuine
disputes about policy lurking somewhere in the acrimony. There is
a more serious dispute about election strategy - put simply, the
extent to which Labour should seek to steal Conservative ground and
policies (Blairite) and the extent to which Labour should emphasise
the fundamental differences (Brownite). But essentially, this is
about individuals.
The latest flare-up came in a week when the Committee on Standards
in Public Life reported a "widespread lack of trust in politicians",
declaring that many people "feel that party politics is somehow
at odds with the public interest". At Prime Minister's Questions
on 8 September, Blair and Michael Howard both expressed deep condolences
for the victims of Beslan and for three British servicemen killed
in Iraq since parliament had last met. Having barely drawn breath,
they then entered combat over the reshuffle shenanigans - the stuff
of real global importance.
This article first appeared in the New
Statesman and may not be reproduced
without permission.
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