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On
the defensive
Book Reviews
John Kampfner
Monday 26th April
2004
The Iraq War
John Keegan Hutchinson, 254pp, £18.99
ISBN 0091800188
John Keegan, the veteran defence editor of the Daily Telegraph,
is a man for whom I have considerable respect - although I disagree fundamentally
with him
about Iraq and Tony Blair. On the dust jacket of this book, he is described as "the
most readable and most original of living military historians", or simply "our
greatest modern military historian". It is his military analysis of the
prosecution of the war itself, and not the diplomacy or political controversy
surrounding it, that provides value.
His book is easy to navigate. Each chapter deals with a self-contained issue.
Keegan provides a solid history of Iraq before Saddam Hussein, steering readers
through the Ottoman empire to British rule from 1918. The attempts to graft a
constitution on to a country of disparate and competing ethnic groups are particularly
relevant today. He then provides a potted history of the great tyrant him- self,
from the role of his Hitler-admiring surrogate father and his strong-willed mother,
who made a living as a clairvoyant, to his clamber up the political ladder and
his violent assumption of power. Keegan notes:
Saddam was never a soldier. That omission in the story of his life
may help to explain much about his behaviour as he grew to manhood
and afterwards. It had been his ambition to train as an officer at
the Iraq Military Academy in Baghdad but he lacked the education
even to attempt the entrance exam.
He suggests that Saddam's inadequacy
in this regard was an important factor in his need for the military aggrandisement
that led him to
take Iraq to war with Iran, to invade Kuwait and to confront the
outside world in the two Gulf wars.
Keegan's most important insights come in three
chapters entitled "The
American War", "The British War" and "The Fall
of Baghdad". He provides a good assess-ment of the strengths
(and the many weaknesses) of the Iraqi armed forces in 2003 as compared
to 1991, when it was a serious fighting force of more than 40 divisions.
He discusses US military strategy, casting the American forces chief,
General Tommy Franks, his most pub- lic source for the book, in a
favourable light. He contrasts Franks's "thoughtful" approach
with that of his predecessor in the first Gulf war, the more charismatic
but (according to Keegan) less accomplished Stormin' Norman Schwarzkopf.
The book takes the reader through the Americans' rapid and inexorable
push north through Iraq that resulted in them taking Baghdad a mere
three weeks into the 2003 invasion.
Disappointingly, Keegan is as effusive in
his praise for the US and UK governments during the build-up to war
as he is for the actual
military campaign. The closest he comes to analysing the Prime Minister's
faults is to describe him as
not an intellectual, though highly intelligent, his centre of gravity
is moral; he has deeply held religious beliefs and an unshakeable
conviction in the necessity to do what is right. He speaks easily
and fluently, too much so at times, succumbing to the seduction of
his own voice, and he possesses elements of the actor.
Keegan then suspends his critical faculties
and applauds Blair's speech in the pre-war parliamentary debate: "At
a most difficult time for his premiership, he showed himself to be
a master of the
British political process and a fine national leader." Some
might disagree.
While a few of his swipes at journalists are
merited, such as his complaint about some reporters' scant understanding
of the nature
and terminology of warfare, Keegan shows Campbellesque tendencies
in attacking the "anti-Americanism" of those who criticised
the rush to war. There are also touches of Hutton in his willingness
to give governments the benefit of the doubt. He rightly denounces
the media myths surrounding the Jessica Lynch story, but fails to
point out that the US military actively encouraged correspondents
to give false accounts of her captivity.
His reluctance to criticise the US and UK
governments makes it all the more striking when he does. He notes
that as the Pentagon assumed
complete control of the occupation in April 2003, the state department's
plans, including an elaborate collection of policy documents called "The
Future of Iraq Project", were set aside. He adds:
In retrospect
the disbandment of the army was a serious mistake, one of several
made by the American interim administration in the
immediate aftermath of the Saddam regime's collapse. It released
several hundred thousand young men on to the unemployment market,
leaving them unpaid and discontented, at precisely the moment when
the need became apparent to rebuild . . . security forces.
The consequences
of this mistake are all too clear as Iraq plunges further into chaos.
This article first appeared in the New
Statesman and may not be reproduced
without permission.
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